Oct. 1 (Bloomberg) -- Hurley Goodall knows what it's like to be first and black.
He has white Democratic voters in Muncie, Indiana, to thank for breaking a barrier when he was elected to the General Assembly 30 years ago.
``I am different, they know me,'' said Goodall, 81, who also was Muncie's first black firefighter. ``I am just as black, but they know me personally.''
What worries Goodall is whether those same white voters in this town in the heart of the Rust Belt will feel the same way about Barack Obama.
Race is a powerful subtext of this presidential election, and its impact is largely hidden, with few white voters willing to acknowledge openly that they won't vote for Obama because he is black.
It is a phenomenon documented when Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley, who was black, lost the race for governor of California in 1982 after polls had projected him a winner, leading experts to conclude that white voters didn't want to acknowledge their racial attitudes.
Whether that effect will be in play for Obama in states like Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Michigan remains an important open question in the campaign.
A poll released Sept. 20 conducted for the Associated Press and Yahoo News found that Obama's support would be as much as six percentage points higher if there were no racial prejudice among whites.
Comfort Level
When he first ran for office, Goodall overcame similar sentiments, and found that white voters became more comfortable with him over time.
During the course of the campaign, Illinois Senator Obama, 47, found that he could win over white voters, particularly when he could campaign for weeks instead of days.
Indiana has been reliably Republican in presidential politics since 1964, when it voted Democratic in Lyndon Johnson's landslide victory. Obama's campaign said that it could win in Indiana and recent polls show a close race against John McCain.
To win, however, Obama will have to break through in a state with a history of racial division. Many analysts say that the troubled state of the economy under Republican President George W. Bush could trump racial animus and deliver votes to Obama.
Sandra Barrett, 69, said she will back Obama because ``I have lost over half my pension. I blame Bush and the current crowd.''
McCain Supporters
Goodall isn't so sure other whites will feel the same way. He estimates that ``more than half'' of Muncie's poor white Democrats will vote for McCain. ``If they do better than that, it will surprise me,'' said Goodall, who went to work in the neighborhood foundry at age 16 during World War II. ``I know them all, but when it comes to race, I don't trust them and they supported me every time I've ran.''
Michael Carpenter, a 65-year-old tour-bus driver, might be one of those people. He says he's leaning toward McCain, citing the Arizona senator's Navy experience and Obama's race. Blacks ``have an ax to grind, and they are going to grind it,'' he said. ``If he gets elected, this country is in for some real troubles.''
This town, with its once booming auto parts plants, had been the picture of America's successful transformation from the farm to the factory. It became known as ``Middletown, USA,'' after a husband-and-wife sociologist team arrived in the 1920s to study how Muncie's residents coped with the transition from the agrarian to the industrial economy.
Blacks Ignored
The study largely ignored Muncie's black population, said Jim Connolly, director of Middletown Studies at Ball State University in Muncie, a stark omission, given the role race has played in the city's politics.
``There's no way race couldn't be a factor because it's been such a powerful force in this town for so long,'' said Connolly.
Earlier this month, Dennis Tyler, Muncie's current state representative, called Obama's national operatives to raise alarms about registered white Democrats claiming to be undecided on the presidential race. ``Now, he may not want to tell you because he's black, but you've got to figure that that's part of it,'' said Tyler.
Obama might benefit from the area's financial distress as polls show that a majority of voters believe he would be better at handling the economy. He also is familiar to Hoosier voters; roughly 25 percent of the state receives Chicago television.
Lost Jobs
Muncie could use the help. The town is shedding jobs and residents, with the population down to 65,000 today from 80,000 in the early 1980s. Its last automotive parts factory, BorgWarner Inc., will be shuttered next April, taking with it almost 800 jobs.
More than a fourth of Muncie's residents live below the poverty level. Half of the students at Muncie Central High -- the school that lost to the Hickory Huskers in the basketball movie ``Hoosiers'' -- receive subsidized lunches.
In May's Democratic primary, about 10 percent of whites in the state said that race was important to them, said Joe Losco, a Ball State political science professor.
``That doesn't bode well,'' for Obama's chances to carry the state in November when that many people think race is an important factor, Losco said.
Democrats Concerned
After canvassing white Democratic neighborhoods earlier this month, local Democrats grew concerned that race was playing a bigger role than they have previously expected.
``Who's going to look at you and say, `I am just not going to vote for him because he's a black man,''' said Tyler, who knocks on doors for a couple of hours every day, asking voters to fill out their absentee ballots. ``Nobody is going to tell you that.''
Sue Errington, the county's state senator, said she heard more racial arguments against Obama in the Democratic primary, when she was on the other side, stumping for Hillary Clinton, a New York senator.
Those same voters now ``raise the experience issue,'' Errington said, ``but you know it's something else.''
``It's harder to address the underlying issues when they won't bring it up themselves,'' she said.
He has white Democratic voters in Muncie, Indiana, to thank for breaking a barrier when he was elected to the General Assembly 30 years ago.
``I am different, they know me,'' said Goodall, 81, who also was Muncie's first black firefighter. ``I am just as black, but they know me personally.''
What worries Goodall is whether those same white voters in this town in the heart of the Rust Belt will feel the same way about Barack Obama.
Race is a powerful subtext of this presidential election, and its impact is largely hidden, with few white voters willing to acknowledge openly that they won't vote for Obama because he is black.
It is a phenomenon documented when Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley, who was black, lost the race for governor of California in 1982 after polls had projected him a winner, leading experts to conclude that white voters didn't want to acknowledge their racial attitudes.
Whether that effect will be in play for Obama in states like Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Michigan remains an important open question in the campaign.
A poll released Sept. 20 conducted for the Associated Press and Yahoo News found that Obama's support would be as much as six percentage points higher if there were no racial prejudice among whites.
Comfort Level
When he first ran for office, Goodall overcame similar sentiments, and found that white voters became more comfortable with him over time.
During the course of the campaign, Illinois Senator Obama, 47, found that he could win over white voters, particularly when he could campaign for weeks instead of days.
Indiana has been reliably Republican in presidential politics since 1964, when it voted Democratic in Lyndon Johnson's landslide victory. Obama's campaign said that it could win in Indiana and recent polls show a close race against John McCain.
To win, however, Obama will have to break through in a state with a history of racial division. Many analysts say that the troubled state of the economy under Republican President George W. Bush could trump racial animus and deliver votes to Obama.
Sandra Barrett, 69, said she will back Obama because ``I have lost over half my pension. I blame Bush and the current crowd.''
McCain Supporters
Goodall isn't so sure other whites will feel the same way. He estimates that ``more than half'' of Muncie's poor white Democrats will vote for McCain. ``If they do better than that, it will surprise me,'' said Goodall, who went to work in the neighborhood foundry at age 16 during World War II. ``I know them all, but when it comes to race, I don't trust them and they supported me every time I've ran.''
Michael Carpenter, a 65-year-old tour-bus driver, might be one of those people. He says he's leaning toward McCain, citing the Arizona senator's Navy experience and Obama's race. Blacks ``have an ax to grind, and they are going to grind it,'' he said. ``If he gets elected, this country is in for some real troubles.''
This town, with its once booming auto parts plants, had been the picture of America's successful transformation from the farm to the factory. It became known as ``Middletown, USA,'' after a husband-and-wife sociologist team arrived in the 1920s to study how Muncie's residents coped with the transition from the agrarian to the industrial economy.
Blacks Ignored
The study largely ignored Muncie's black population, said Jim Connolly, director of Middletown Studies at Ball State University in Muncie, a stark omission, given the role race has played in the city's politics.
``There's no way race couldn't be a factor because it's been such a powerful force in this town for so long,'' said Connolly.
Earlier this month, Dennis Tyler, Muncie's current state representative, called Obama's national operatives to raise alarms about registered white Democrats claiming to be undecided on the presidential race. ``Now, he may not want to tell you because he's black, but you've got to figure that that's part of it,'' said Tyler.
Obama might benefit from the area's financial distress as polls show that a majority of voters believe he would be better at handling the economy. He also is familiar to Hoosier voters; roughly 25 percent of the state receives Chicago television.
Lost Jobs
Muncie could use the help. The town is shedding jobs and residents, with the population down to 65,000 today from 80,000 in the early 1980s. Its last automotive parts factory, BorgWarner Inc., will be shuttered next April, taking with it almost 800 jobs.
More than a fourth of Muncie's residents live below the poverty level. Half of the students at Muncie Central High -- the school that lost to the Hickory Huskers in the basketball movie ``Hoosiers'' -- receive subsidized lunches.
In May's Democratic primary, about 10 percent of whites in the state said that race was important to them, said Joe Losco, a Ball State political science professor.
``That doesn't bode well,'' for Obama's chances to carry the state in November when that many people think race is an important factor, Losco said.
Democrats Concerned
After canvassing white Democratic neighborhoods earlier this month, local Democrats grew concerned that race was playing a bigger role than they have previously expected.
``Who's going to look at you and say, `I am just not going to vote for him because he's a black man,''' said Tyler, who knocks on doors for a couple of hours every day, asking voters to fill out their absentee ballots. ``Nobody is going to tell you that.''
Sue Errington, the county's state senator, said she heard more racial arguments against Obama in the Democratic primary, when she was on the other side, stumping for Hillary Clinton, a New York senator.
Those same voters now ``raise the experience issue,'' Errington said, ``but you know it's something else.''
``It's harder to address the underlying issues when they won't bring it up themselves,'' she said.
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